Julian Assange Won’t Be Extradited to the US Yet
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Julian Assange’s Extradition to the US Delayed

In 2013, Chelsea Manning, a former intelligence analyst for the U.S. Army, admitted in a court martial to leaking over 725,000 documents to WikiLeaks. Her conviction, however, only pertains to a fraction of these documents. Despite facing accusations of “aiding the enemy,” Manning was acquitted of this charge. Her initial 35-year prison sentence was significantly reduced in January 2017 when then-President Barack Obama commuted it as one of his final acts in office.

The Espionage Act, the legislation under which Julian Assange faces charges, stands as one of the most contentious pieces of the United States’ criminal code. It has been employed with equal fervor against whistleblowers and those leaking national security information as it has against spies or traitors.

The U.S. government’s case against Assange is largely built on digital records of conversations between WikiLeaks associates and accounts believed to be managed by Assange himself. Interestingly, much of this evidence has been leaked over time or gathered by independent researchers. Distributed Denial of Secrets (DDOS), an organization succeeding WikiLeaks, has compiled an extensive collection of documents related to these conversations from various confidential sources, including those targeted by FBI informants and through FBI search warrants.

A private database maintained by DDOS, which WIRED reviewed, contains approximately 100 gigabytes of WikiLeaks-related material. This includes hundreds of thousands of internal emails and tens of thousands of chat logs, many of which are linked to accounts personally used by Assange.

Despite thorough cataloging by DDOS researchers, the vast amount of text makes it challenging to determine the exact number of individuals whose communications were recorded. The earliest files related to Assange’s online activities date back 30 years.

Emma Best, a journalist and co-founder of DDOS, believes the organization holds all or nearly all of the conversations referenced in the U.S. government’s indictment against Assange. A significant portion of internal WikiLeaks discussions is thought to have been documented by Sigurdur Thordarson, a former WikiLeaks associate, before he turned against the organization.

After becoming an FBI informant in 2011, Thordarson was convicted in Iceland for sex crimes involving minors and for embezzling funds from WikiLeaks. Best suggests that a detailed examination of the files would cast further doubt on Thordarson’s credibility, as he frequently misrepresented statements made by Assange in communications with other WikiLeaks associates and supporters.

According to Best, making the WikiLeaks files public is a priority, given the aggressive stance of the U.S. in the case and its international implications. However, distribution is currently limited to trusted professionals, mainly due to privacy concerns. WIRED’s examination revealed that the documents identify numerous individuals, including many unaffiliated with WikiLeaks. While the U.S. and UK governments presumably have access to most, if not all, of these files, Best notes that other governments, which might seek legal action based on the files, likely do not.

Best emphasizes that the case against WikiLeaks and Assange is as misunderstood as it is secretive and significant. This situation is exacerbated by the involvement of numerous dishonest parties and the largely speculative analysis surrounding the case. She advocates for a straightforward solution: leaking the case details to the public.